The final version (for the Proceedings of the Seventeenth Amsterdam Colloquium) is posted on my webpage! Hopefully I will have a DOI to share soon.

remember when?

A headline from back in August:

Gibbs: Obama Willing To Be One-Term President To Get Health Care, ‘Important Things’ Done

Uh huh.

Posted on my academic webpage. This is a first draft of what will ultimately be a biggish chunk of my dissertation. So feedback is welcome!

The latest issue of Analysis has an interesting symposium about Mark Schroeder’s Being For. Of particular interest to me was Andrew Alwood’s contribution, which develops a line of response to Schroeder that is broadly similar to one I’ve been working on quite a bit recently. (I will post a draft of a paper I have been working on for a while by the end of the week.)

Alwood’s suggestion, very roughly, is that we model a noncognitivist account of normative sentence-meaning on our account of imperative sentence-meaning. How is this supposed to help the noncognitivist with the Frege-Geach problem, as Schroeder has developed it? If Paul Portner’s work on imperatives is on the right track, then (i) imperative clauses have conventionalized directive force, (ii) clauses with conventionalized force can embed. In Alwood’s words:

The embedded imperative clause contributes to the meaning of the whole sentence. This inspires optimism that conventionalized force-indicators can meaningfully occur embedded without determining force-potential as they otherwise would.

I’m puzzled by this.

Talk of “conventionalized force-indicators” that “embed” makes it sound like Portner has argued that imperative clauses contain a syntactic element indicating conventionalized directive force. This is not Portner’s view (although Chung-hye Han defended a view like this in her 1998 dissertation). Portner’s view (see “The semantics of imperatives within a theory of clause types” [Proceedings of SALT 14, 2004] and “Imperatives and modals” [NALS, 2007]) is that major clause-types are conventionally associated with distinct kinds of force, but that this is not “written down anywhere in the grammar,” but rather “follows from general principles” linking semantic types to functional potentials. The sense in which imperatives have conventionalized directive force is precisely the sense in which indicative sentences have conventionalized assertoric force: conventionalized force is a function of the type of the semantic denotation of the clause.

If that is right, though, it’s not Portner’s work on imperatives, per se, that gives the noncognitivist a reason to be optimistic. It’s Portner’s work on the conventionalized connection between clause-type and force, in general, that is relevant.

But I have to wonder if there is really any reason for optimism here at all. Non-imperative, normative sentences do not carry any sort of distinctive syntactic marking. Certainly, they do not constitute their own clause-type; they are declaratives. There is an argument to be made (and I make it in my paper) that the noncognitivist is committed to the idea that the conventional force of a normative sentence is not assertoric. But, if a sentence’s clause-type determines the type of its semantic denotation, and the type of its semantic denotation determines its conventional force, then normative sentences have the same conventional force as non-normative declaratives. Yikes.

What’s the noncognitivist to do? I think the best move probably is to deny the idea that clause-type determines semantic type. A suggestive analogy. Nick Asher and Alex Lascarides have argued (“Indirect Speech Acts” [Synthese, 2001]) that the semantic object assigned by the grammar to an interrogative like (1) is distinct in type from the semantic object assigned by the grammar to an interrogative like (2).

(1) Can you pass the salt?

(2) Are you able to pass the salt?

The motivation for this is the idea that (1) has conventionalized directive and interrogative force (for which they offer some pretty compelling evidence in their essay), while (2) has only conventionalized interrogative force. The friendly suggestion to the noncognitivist is that normative sentences are more like (1) than (2): normative sentences have conventionalized non-assertoric (perhaps expressive) force, in addition to conventionalized assertoric force (which they have in virtue of their clause-type).

Of course, this stratagem raises a host of new (and, I think, rather troubling) questions. First, where is the linguistic evidence that normative sentences have conventionalized non-assertoric (perhaps expressive) force? (The evidence that Asher and Lascarides give re: (1) does not seem to me to extend to normative sentences.) Second, if normative sentences have conventionalized assertoric force (in virtue of their clause-type), what is it that they are in the business of asserting?

I don’t know the answers to these questions. That said, it does seem to me that Portner’s work paints a rather more complicated picture for noncognitivism than Alwood is letting on.

Very excited to be flying to Amsterdam this week to present a paper on imperatives at the Seventeenth Amsterdam Colloquium. For philosophers who are unfamiliar, this is a biennial conference in which the mean presentation tends to be, not surprisingly, in Amsterdam-style formal semantics.

I’ll be giving a paper on–again, not surprisingly–imperatives. The basic gist of the paper (certainly not original to me) is that the pragmatics of conditional imperatives is hard because of a misconception about the nature of illocutionary force: that we represent the force of an utterance by applying a force-operator (like assertion) to a force-less content (e.g., a proposition). Illocutionary operators behave more like modal-operators, I suggest. In particular, they can take restriction arguments, and they can “embed” (albeit not freely).

The paper (titled “Restricting and Embedding Imperatives”) is pretty formal, but, if you’re interested, is available on my webpage.

Happy holidays!

workshop!

Delivered comments on a paper by Jeroen Groenendijk (a hero of mine) and Floris Roelofsen this weekend at the 2009 Michigan Workshop in Philosophy and Linguistics. The topic of this year’s conference was the semantics and pragmatics of questions, and the point of Jeroen and Floris’ paper was to supply a logic for a language with devices for expressing both questions and assertions — a project which I take to be in roughly the same vein as the work I’ve been trying to do on the logic and semantics of the imperative mood.

It was an outstanding weekend, in no small part because both my brother Simon and good friend Anders were in town. If you’re interested, you can find my comments here (under the “Talks” heading).

My roommate reliably informs me that in a certain dialect of British English, “skeletal” receives the standard pronunciation  (’ske-lə-təl) when used literally (to mean of the skeleton), but receives an altered pronunciation (ske-’lē-təl, I think) when used metaphorically (to mean emaciated).

More grist for Peter Ludlow’s “thin coin” mill, methinks. Anyone know of similar examples of this sort of phenomenon?

two new papers

Drafts available on my webpage. Comments would be great.

“Directives” is a (long) draft of a dissertation prospectus on the logic, semantics, and pragmatics of imperatives (and related normative language). I won’t try to summarize it here.

“What We Know and What To Do” attempts to develop a version of ordering semantics for deontic modals on which their ordering sources are sensitive (in a precise way) to available information. This allows us to predict the salient intuition in the famous miners case: if they’re in A, we ought to block A; if they’re in B, we ought to block B; but, nevertheless, it’s permissible (indeed, required) to block neither.

good for a laugh

Meinong (Um… Philosophy, Rutgers?) seems to have a Rate My Professor page.

I suppose it is worth noting (since I’m not sure many share my interest in the imperatives literature of the 1950s-60s) that Maria Aloni’s solution to the Ross Paradox (“Free Choice, Modals, and Imperatives,” Natural Language Semantics 15, doi) was formulated (in all of its essentials, anyway) in a Lennart Aqvist Analysis piece from 1965 (JSTOR). Aloni does make use of a special logic of alternatives to derive the solution, but the logic doesn’t appear to be doing any work in this case. (She also does cite Aqvist’s piece in her bibliography, but the fundamental equivalence of their views probably wasn’t obvious.)

Morrissey on the tambourine ftw.

From his demo.

In the spirit of procrastination, I finally got around to putting up an academic homepage. See here.

There’s not very much in the way of content at the moment. The only draft I’ve posted is my behemoth qualifying paper, on the semantics of imperatives. I will be adding some less ridiculous material as I tidy up some drafts this summer.

brainwaves

Featuring Clayton and Juan Comesaña, here. So cool.

cream, get the money

Basking, for the moment, in the glow of a post-dossier fellowship term. You’ll be on your own for a little while.

the plantinga liveblogger

I personally don’t care what your religion is and don’t think that it has anything whatever to do with your philosophical competence, and I suspect the same holds true for nearly everyone in our field. So I get a little irritated when I see random conservative know-nothings citing the anonymous Plantinga/Dennett liveblogger’s paranoia about anti-religious antipathy among academic philosophers as evidence for how we actually treat people of faith. Whoever you are: I think you should know better than to allow yourself to be a useful idiot for people like that.

chef raekwon

Happy “Spring” break.

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